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In Victorian times, the national scientific enterprise was
minuscule by today's standards. But the commitment to public understanding
was not. The marvellous national and civic museums – cathedrals of discovery
and invention – consumed large resources by the standards of that time,
larger, even, than the recent injection of lottery funds has allowed.
Our forebears believed that science, engineering and technology deserve
wider appreciation, that science is part of our culture, and that its
application should concern us all. Science and engineering then had a high
profile; most people even today have heard of the great 19th century
engineers (though not, ironically, of their present-day counterparts). And
it wasn't just the practical men – the 'wealth creators '– who earned public
acclaim. Darwin's insights had no practical payoff, but he was a revered
figure because he changed the way humans see their place in nature.
It's still, often, the utterly 'irrelevant' subjects that fascinate
people most. Dinosaurs have been high in the popularity charts ever since
Richard Owen discovered them in 1841. It could be argued that perhaps my own
subject of astronomy plays a role in contemporary culture similar to that
which Darwinism and terrestrial exploration did a hundred years ago. On the
other hand, there is surprising lack of interest in the science underlying
things that seem directly relevant. Those at risk from radiation or
pollutants, for instance, need – from reliable and minimally biased sources
– a portmanteau estimate of the hazards that they're exposed to, but may be
bored by the underlying science. There's nothing irrational about this; many
people in hospital, likewise, want surgeons they can trust, but would rather
not know too much about what they are actually doing.
Scientists tend (often too stridently) to deplore how confused the public
is about scientific ideas. It is indeed sad that some can't tell a proton
from protein. However, a quiz on history or geography would yield equally
dismal results among the general population. In any case, what matters is
not a store of facts but having a rough 'intellectual map', so that we can
appreciate our natural environment; so that the artefacts that surround us
don't seem mysterious, and so that we can participate in shaping how
technologies are developed and applied. For instance, the ethical and social
implications of genetics, or environmental degradation, can and should be
widely appreciated and discussed, even by people who don't understand (and
may not be especially interested in) the science per se.
Although the public at large is no worse-informed about science than
about other subjects, it is regrettable that to many people of influence who
are well-informed in other fields, science is a 'closed book'. Those who
control the media (and other 'opinion formers') are actually rather atypical
of the educated public in their generally poor grounding in scientific and
technical issues.
Nonetheless, science has its cheerleaders among literary figures; some
indeed are extravagantly uncritical. George Steiner, for instance, in an
oration at the Edinburgh Festival, averred that 'science is in its high noon
rather than Byzantine afternoon – the most stylish, most intellectually
challenging, and hopeful [feature] in our otherwise parlous and often grey
culture.'
Such sentiments rarely come from our political masters, but in a lecture
from the former minister for science, William Waldegrave said 'A society
organised to allow and celebrate the creative spirit of science will find
itself also productive of the other forms of creativity which make life
worth living. The societies where the bursts of scientific energy occur....
span the other arts too.' He went on to present a recipe. We must reverse
what he termed the 'Balkanisation of intellectual life – an affliction as
acute in the humanities as in the sciences'. He recommended a broader
education, trans-disciplinary contacts in universities, and 'public
understanding' programmes. Sadly, universities seem to have taken the
opposite course, even though government bodies and scientific and
professional societies have remained strong in their commitment to public
understanding.
Public Understanding of Science is a phrase that has 'caught on' even
though I think it has unfortunate connotations: it falsely implies a
demarcation between science and public – between a priesthood and an
unwashed populace.
The 'public' is very heterogeneous. All professional scientists are
themselves part of it. They are depressingly 'lay' outside their specialisms,
and are among the main 'consumers' of popular writings on science. A better
acronym would be GUST – general understanding of science and technology. One
should, moreover, distinguish understanding of science from appreciation or
'promotion' of science. It is the former that is important and promoting
understanding may lead to a more critical attitude towards science and how
it is applied.
Broadcasts or newspaper articles about science deepen my respect for
journalists who successfully cover all the sciences, working to tight
deadlines. I know how hard it is to explain, non-technically, even something
in one's specialist field.
Robert Wilson was the man who discovered, with his colleague Arno Penzias,
the cosmic background radiation – the primordial heat left over from the big
bang. He'd plainly made a really great discovery. But Wilson said that he
didn't himself fully take in what he'd really done until he read a 'popular'
description of it in the New York Times. However, these 'science
correspondents' are themselves up against several problems; few of the
'gatekeepers' to the media have any real background in science and moreover,
if the topic reaches the front-pages, it is hi-jacked and distorted by other
journalists. Worse, scientists themselves (or their institutions) are now
prone to 'hype up' their contributions – science reporters now have to be as
sceptical of some scientific claims as they routinely are in other arenas of
public life. Whenever 'pure' science is distorted and sensationalised, or
when pseudoscience is covered uncritically, a disservice is done to public
understanding.
The hardest type of situation to convey honestly is where there's a
strong consensus, but some dissent. Noisy controversy doesn't always signify
evenly balanced arguments. Pioneering scientists have often, as everyone
knows, had a tough time gaining a hearing. Conversely, controversy (and a
scepticism of orthodoxy) has such public appeal, and confrontations make
such lively broadcasts, that dissident or heretic scientists get exaggerated
attention. It is the obligation of scientists to ensure that uncertainties
and risks are neither disproportionately exaggerated, nor glossed over
because of commercial pressures.
Science generally only earns a newspaper headline, or a place on TV
bulletins, as background rather than as a story in its own right. Indeed,
coverage restricted to 'newsworthy' items – newly announced results that
carry a crisp and easily summarisable message – can't avoid distorting how
science develops. The place of science is in features and documentaries,
rather than news. Scientists can't reasonably complain about this any more
than novelists or composers would complain that their new works don't
make the news bulletins.
Many of us who are professional scientists spend some time as 'amateur
communicators', presenting our work to general audiences. I'd personally
derive far less satisfaction from my work if it only interested my
specialist colleagues. I believe that the key ideas can be conveyed, free of
technicalities, without necessarily distorting them. Perhaps my optimism is
coloured by my own area having, unlike some other high-profile sciences, a
positive and non-threatening public image.
It's a challenge, but even when we do it badly, the experience is
salutary for us as speakers or writers. It helps us to see our work in
context, as part of a bigger picture. Researchers don't usually shoot
directly for a grand goal. Unless they are geniuses (or unless they are
cranks) they focus on bite-sized problem that seem timely and tractable.
That's the methodology that pays off. But it carries an occupational risk,
because we may forget we're wearing blinkers and that our piecemeal efforts
are only worthwhile insofar as they're steps towards some fundamental
question. Dialogue with a wider public, and the questions that one is asked
when engaged in this, are a valuable antidote.
Our academic colleagues in other fields (particularly in social sciences)
are an important segment of the public. Scientists must engage in dialogue
with them about the nature of the scientific enterprise, emphasising that,
irrespective of the motives and pressures that drive us, the outcome of
scientists' efforts is a body of ideas that is 'objective', and can be
evaluated by criteria that don't depend on how these ideas were arrived at.
The way we approach science, what problems strike us as interesting, what
styles of explanation are culturally appealing, and (more mundanely) what
fields attract funding, plainly depend on a range of political, sociological
and psychological factors. Some projects, especially big international ones,
are a by-product of activities driven by other imperatives. Space science is
a by-product of the superpower rivalry and rides along on a large
application-led programme. Supercomputers have transformed much of science,
both in style and content.
It is important, as well as enlightening, to appreciate how pervasive
these social and political factors are. Scientists in groups are a
fascinating topic for anthropological study, just as, individually, their
psychology is often fascinating. By analogy, it is fascinating to study how
the development of music – for instance, the emphasis on operatic versus
liturgical music; the increase in the scale of orchestral compositions that
stemmed from the transition from private patronage to public concerts, etc –
was moulded by social and economic factors. This may be interesting and
worthwhile study in its own right, but it's peripheral to the essence of the
music itself.
Science itself nonetheless moves towards a culture-independent outcome.
Steven Weinberg, in his book 'Dreams of a Final Theory', gives an apt
metaphor: "A party of mountain climbers may argue over the best path to the
peak, and these arguments may be conditioned by the history and social
structure of the expedition, but in the end either they find a good path to
the summit or they do not, and when they get there they know it."
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